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Gender issues: The increasing burden on women's time and energy
Many of the problems faced by the urban poor and the strategies discussed above imply significant extra burdens, in terms of people working both harder and for longer hours. The burden of extra work is usually unevenly distributed amongst household members, and the impact on women has often been even more serious than it has been on men. The expansion of informal sector activities has tended to involve more women than men. If a woman was not working for cash before, then she usually worked full time on domestic duties. Thus new income-generating work is in addition to those duties, which have always involved looking after household reproduction obtaining food and water, cooking, cleaning, washing clothes, and looking after children, the elderly, and the sick. When parallel markets are at their most active, even obtaining food can be virtually a full-time job. The problems of obtaining water have clearly worsened for many households; again, any extra time or energy expended will usually be a woman's. Even where food is now more available, the huge increase in prices means that it is women whose ingenuity is stretched and who bear most of the stress of trying to feed their families adequately. Many cannot succeed, and evidence worldwide shows that in these circumstances it is usually women rather than men who forgo food in order to feed their children. If household budgets preclude or discourage visits to clinics, then any extra burden of caring for the sick falls on women. Thus, even without having to take on extra cash-earning activities, the impact of economic decline and Structural Adjustment Programmes on women would have been very serious. This is the context in which so many have had to take on informal sector work. In addition, urban agriculture is often (although not always, especially if livestock are involved) largely a woman's responsibility.
In Dar es Salaam in the late 1980s, Tripp (1990) found that 66 per cent of women were in self-employment, and 78 per cent had begun these jobs in the previous five years. By comparison, O'Connor (1983, table 11) cites data for Dar that showed only 23 per cent of women self-employed in 1967. In Gweru, a secondary town in Zimbabwe, Rakodi (1994b) reports a significant increase in the involvement of women in informal sector jobs between 1991 and 1993, with 63 per cent of surveyed adult women earning by 1993. In Harare, Kanji and Jazdowska (1993) have also documented the greater burdens of structural adjustment in Zimbabwe for women than for men and state that almost all their women respondents felt that the burden was unequally distributed, mainly because of their primary concern for household consumption and welfare.
A much vaunted "solution" to many of the problems facing the urban poor is that community self-help projects should be encouraged, in order to "empower" people and improve their environment. Undoubtedly these projects are usually very valuable, and may indeed be the best short-term means of overcoming acute service problems, but they often assume that women have spare time. It is quite likely in fact that such activities impose an extra, and damaging, drain on women's time (see Muthwa, 1994, for a discussion of these issues for women in Soweto, Johannesburg).
Children also suffer: in some cases they have to be withdrawn from school, and many are involved in informal sector activities themselves. They are particularly vulnerable if diets are inadequate; the most vulnerable are those who need weaning foods, and the time involved in preparing these may mean that women use less suitable preparations, with serious health consequences for their children. This has been noted in urban Zambia, for example (Jespersen, 1990).
Conclusion
This chapter has focused on the nature of contemporary life for residents in African urban centres. Policy and management aspects of recent urbanization have been briefly discussed where they provide the necessary context for understanding why people's lifestyles have changed. It has been shown that drastic falls in urban incomes, which frequently pre-dated structural adjustment policies but have been further exacerbated by them, are the main reason residents are adopting and adapting new strategies to cope with the challenges of urban living. The deterioration of existing infrastructure plus the lack of new services in more recently developed parts of the cities add to the challenges facing the urban poor. Quite often, even the wealthier sections of the population have been adversely affected, although their options tend to be greater and their coping strategies less "survivalist" in orientation.
It is clear that residents have suffered greatly as national and urban economic conditions have declined. The urban sector has been a particular target for reduced expenditure under the policies favoured by the international financial institutions. In some countries, the impact on the urban areas could have been famine had the urban population not found new sources of income and food outside the formal sector economy. Although their survival is a testament to the ingenuity and determination of urban residents, it must be noted that many of the "strategies" that have been discussed in this chapter are not without serious costs and drawbacks for those involved. The time and energy implications of engaging in secondary, usually informal sector, jobs can be very serious. Where family members are forced into the job market for the first time, this may often be at the expense of other vital activities such as education and child care. In addition, people are frequently working harder in the context of a qualitative and/or quantitative decline in their food consumption. Many of the strategies adopted can bring residents into conflict with the authorities, although the sheer scale of the problems facing the administration often means that it is unable to do much to prevent the people's "solutions." However, even ad hoc harassment and threats create a climate of insecurity that adds to the burdens of the poor.
The crisis has not only generated changes in the way people conduct their lives within the city. As has been shown, an important element of urban adaptations relates to the urbanization process itself and there is increasingly widespread evidence of reductions in urban growth rates, reflecting falling rates of net in-migration from rural areas. These result from some combination of fewer people moving to town in the first place (mainly, it is argued here, because the rural: urban income gap has narrowed in many countries) and an enhanced rate of return migration from urban areas to villages. Although return migration has always been important, the recent evidence suggests that, in some countries at least, migrants are shortening their period of residence in urban areas below the norms established in the 1960s and 1970s. Both of these migration processes accord with theories that ascribe economic rationality to migrants. A variety of other rural-urban linkages have also adapted to the new economic circumstances of Africa's urban centres, including increased rural-urban resource transfers.
Generalizing about urban life and responses to urban economic decline for the whole of Africa is, of course, very difficult. There will always be countries, or specific cities or towns, that have quite different experiences from the broad trends identified in this chapter. Of great significance to the nature of the urban challenge in any one country is its general economic performance in the past 20 years and its room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the international financial institutions and their policy formulations. Thus countries at both the southern and northern tips of the continent have so far avoided the extreme reductions in urban incomes and services that have characterized many tropical sub-Saharan countries. This means not only that their urban populations have had less need to adopt drastic strategies but also that there are fewer changes in the broad trends of urbanization in these countries. Thus there can be no doubt that rapid rural-urban migration has been the norm in South Africa during the 1980s and 1990s as political circumstances changed, the crisis in the African rural economy deepened, and influx controls were finally removed. Countries with particularly favourable resource endowments, such as Gabon, are also unlikely to mirror the urban trends of more economically vulnerable sub-Saharan African states. Shock factors such as drought and war can also overwhelm other economic processes. In some cases these may increase urban growth rates and hinder rural-urban linkages, although many of the internal urban strategies such as informal housing, informal jobs, and urban agriculture may be highly developed in such circumstances.
A further issue is the lack of reliable data on urban populations and mobility patterns in most African countries. Although it is contended here that a tendency to rely on outdated projections has created a misleading picture of recent trends in urbanization for many African countries, it must be conceded that for many countries it is not possible to ascertain whether, or to what extent, migration patterns and urbanization processes have adapted in the ways suggested here. For this reason, case-study material plays an important part in building up a picture of the urban experience for many African countries.
There are also important variations in the extent to which certain adaptations can be efficacious in reducing the adverse impacts of declining urban incomes for different subgroups of the urban population. There are obvious differences between the strategies suited to the poor compared with the wealthy. There are also important gender variations. Important variables affecting rural-urban linkages, and in particular the ability to "escape" the city and return "home," are land availability and the nature of land tenure. Many people in African cities have no viable access to rural land, and thus this option is not open to them. They include many female-headed households and longstanding international migrants (e.g. Malawians and Mozambicans in Zimbabwean urban areas). Such groups might be categorized as being "trapped" in urban areas and may experience absolute destitution. The fact that a host of adaptations has occurred in African urban areas to meet the challenges of economic decline should not, therefore, be allowed to hide the fact that new policies and directions are desperately needed to alleviate the real suffering that many of the urban poor are experiencing.
Notes
1. One of the usual recommendations of structural adjustment is for governments to increase prices for crops and to liberalize marketing arrangements. However, analysis of specific country experiences shows that often seemingly significant price rises are rapidly eroded by inflation, so that farmers" gains in real terms are short lived. This, for example, was true of Malawian maize prices in the 1980s. Furthermore, the ending of farmers' subsidies (particularly on fertilizer) may negate crop price rises, and liberalization of agricultural trade has often not helped farmers, because the capacity of private traders to fill the technical, transport, and capital investment gaps left by marketing boards has often been grossly overestimated. Thus arrangements for marketing the 1993/94 maize crop in Zambia were chaotic, and disastrous for the farmers.
2. The term "the new African urban poor" was used for a series of workshops held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, in the late 1980s, which focused on the emergence of a new stratum of poor in African cities faced with the effects of national economic decline and Structural Adjustment Programmes.
3. These surrogates are not ideal as measurements of the income gap perœived by potential rural-urban migrants. For example, migrants are frequently young people, perhaps single or recently married with a young child, and they are unlikely to command the average rural household income at this stage in their domestic life cycle. Furthermore, urban households are usually smaller than rural households, which increases the per capita urban household income ceteris paribus. Also, using urban average or minimum wages as the income for the whole household assumes that multi-member migrant households expect only one member to earn any income, which is unrealistic in contemporary Africa.
4. These estimates, reported by Mtatifikolo (1992), are based on ILO and Ministry of Agriculture reports. This author also cites an ILO report (ILO, 1982) that estimated that real farm incomes in Tanzania had increased by 8.5 per cent between 1969 and 1980, whereas average wages had fallen 47.6 per cent over the same period, and that average farm incomes already exceeded the minimum wage by 20 per cent in 1980, two years earlier than Jamal and Weeks' estimate of the same gap.
5. To be designated poor meant to have less than 86 maloti (about US$40) per "consumption unit" and to lack selected assets. In Lesotho an important factor in this differential between urban and rural areas was that rural households were twice as likely as those in Maseru (the capital and only large urban centre) to have at least one migrant worker working in South Africa. Remittances from migrants are crucial to the Lesotho economy at both the national and household level.
6. The benefit of this factor of course varies hugely between African countries; in some, such as Tanzania, Zambia, or Ghana, many rural households can be largely food self-sufficient (barring drought), whereas in others, such as Malawi, Lesotho, and South Africa, land shortages mean that many rural households must purchase large proportions of their annual food requirements.
7. Some semi-processed foods may be more nutritious than finely proœssed (e.g. maize) but some staples do require lengthy cooking and/or processing to be really palatable, a very important issue for the nutrition of small children in particular.
8. Although AlDS-related deaths will have made some contribution to the deteriorating urban health situation in Zambia, there can be no doubt that urban poverty was a major factor. The harshness of the impact of structural adjustment policies on urban Zambia could be ameliorated if international financial institutions were less greedy. As noted by the Financial Times (1994, p. 11), donors refuse to "address an anomaly in Zambia's external debt obligations which require a country following economic reform to the letter to maintain a net outflow to the International Monetary Fund of $100m a year."
9. It is worth pointing out that Ghana is supposed to be an important success story for the IMF, and by 1990 it had followed its economic reform programme closely for some years. Yet, as Jeffries (1992, p. 207) says, "it is... clear, however, the majority of urban inhabitants in the lower income groups have experienced very little, if any, improvement in their real incomes, and that some - it is unclear how many - are probably worse off than they were six or seven years ago."
10. A "strategy" implies some alteration in an individual's or household's (usually economic) behaviour, in order to lessen the adverse impact of, for example, declining incomes or deteriorating infrastructure or services. A strategy may be a long-term planned response to circumstance (e.g. embarking upon urban agriculture) that yields generally positive benefits. However, many strategies may be more "survivalist" and ad hoc, with more negative connotations for the household. Examples would include not obtaining medical help because of the cost, or cutting down on food consumption.
11. With reference to Kinshasa's rapid growth in the 1960s and into the 1970s while formal employment rates fell, Piermay (chap. 7 in this volume) has argued that this indicates a "clear de-linking" of the relation between economic growth and population growth. However this conclusion is not really supportable; and his own analysis demonstrates that at that time Kinshasa's economic and infrastructural development was sufficiently positive, relative to most of the rest of the country, to account for rapid net in-migration.
12. An example of the significance of urban-rural migration is found in chapter 8 in this volume on Abidjan, by Dubresson. In-migration to Abidjan in 1978/79 totalled 272,000 but net inmigration was only 26 per cent of that figure (i.e. 80,000), because 192,000 people also left the town in that year.
13. The term "family" includes people related to each other. In this context it primarily concerns conjugal family units, i.e. husband and wife and their children. Very often, co-residing family units in Africa will include other relatives (e.g. grandparents, grandchildren), but it is the redressing of the most socially disruptive aspect of colonial migration patterns (the division of spouses and of men from their children) that is of particular significant in the post-independence period. The term "household" is often defined as a group of co-residing people who habitually eat together. In the context of urban households with strong rural links, this is not really satisfactory, because some members may spend significant amounts of time in rural areas (e.g. cultivating or in rural schools). Such households may have a considerably more fluid composition than the classic definition - and membership would require consideration of where they spend most of the year and of their own perœptions of their primary household affiliation.
14. Higher rates of natural increase in urban compared with rural areas are, however, reported for Côte d'Ivoire for 1978/79 (3.7 per cent compared with 3.1 per œnt; Touré et al., 1992), the Congo (Mokima et al., 1992), the Central African Republic (Faustin and Takam, 1992), and Kinshasa, where not only birth rates but also fertility exceed the rural rates (Piermay, chap. 7 in this volume).
15. In a number of cases, for example Mbeya and Mwanza, where the reported 1967-1978 growth rates for individual towns are particularly high, the growth was partly due to boundary changes that incorporated large numbers of rural people. I am indebted to Tony O'Connor for this information. In addition, for most of the smaller centres, it is not possible to make meaningful comparisons between the population in 1978 and 1988 "as a result of irregularities defining urban, rural and mixed categories for the... œnsuses' (Holm, 1992, p. 240).
16. Examples include Angola, Mozambique (wars), Mauritania (drought), and the Sudan (war and drought). See also Piermay (chap. 7 in this volume) for the impact of the 1960-1965 civil war in Zaire on urbanization there.
17. Surveys of this kind are likely to find more recently opened enterprises, given that some begun in previous periods will have closed down by the time of the survey. However, even if this is taken into account, it is obvious that the urban informal sector expanded more rapidly in the 1980s.
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