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3. Planning the regional spatial system and settlement pattern

All resource systems exist in geographic space, the organization of which varies through time. In large part the pattern of spatial organization and the geographical distribution of physical and social infrastructure and productive assets, and in particular the presence or absence of mutually beneficial relationships between urban centres and rural hinterlands, determines the nature, rate and distribution of a nation's economic growth and social development. But in most developing countries well-articulated settlement systems have not yet emerged.

In their quest to implement development policies, national governments and international assistance agencies are showing greater concern for the spatial aspects of national development planning. And as might be expected they attempted initially to implement prescriptions for spatial planning derived from the experiences of the industrialized countries. This aspect of transferential development was less than successful since many such prescriptions were not amenable to direct transfer and others required careful adaptation to a new context. Moreover, not uncommonly, national spatial planning was beset by fads and shortlived experiments, by severe conflicts such as those between the proponents of centralization strategies and the advocates of decentralization policies, and by the near universal condemnation of the rate of Third World urbanization. Eventually, ". . . dissatisfaction with traditional theories of spatial development, based on the Western concept of center-periphery relationships, . . . set in motion the search for alternative strategies," particularly during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Among the international assistance agencies, officials in developing countries and development theorists, integrated urban-rural development came increasingly to be seen as an important means of overcoming some of the most intransigent problems besetting regional development and the mitigation of rural poverty.

Self-sustaining economic growth and an equitable distribution of the benefits of growth in geographic space cannot occur in the absence of a well-articulated hierarchy of widely dispersed yet closely integrated human settlements - metropolitan areas, intermediate (regional) cities, market towns, and villages - that perform specialized and diversified production, distribution, consumption and exchange functions. Almost without exception, the spatial systems of developing countries are inadequate to support and sustain economic growth and social development. In such countries, human settlements ". . . rarely constitute a functional hierarchy and for this reason they fail to provide an intermeshed system of exchange that will provide the requisite incentives for increased application of labour, capital and human skills". Instead of emerging as economic systems with dispersed market towns linking rural and urban centres, developing nations remain village, household and small group economies that do not provide large enough markets for commercial agriculture or a network of industrial production and exchange. A population scattered in individual farmsteads, small hamlets and villages does not permit large enough concentrations to form regular, institutional markets for the higher potential productivity of resource systems. "There is little reason to save and invest; specialization and division of labour do not occur, and opportunities for market expansion and nonagricultural employment are few."

One of the prime characteristics of marginal areas is severely limited access of their impoverished inhabitants to services and facilities needed to procure, transform and deliver resources. Marginal areas exhibit a lack of "modern" physical and social infrastructures and are usually without access, or at least easy access, to transport systems, market and credit facilities and the like. Further, their general lack of access to such urbanbased facilities and services as basic health, education and social services is virtually universal. Their limited access to external market towns and larger regional centres, in which the services and facilities fundamental to sustained rural resource development are located, places marginal areas and their inhabitants at a severe disadvantage, as does their lack of territorial integration and cohesion. If marginal areas are to be transformed to satisfy basic human needs through selfreliant development, a balance must be struck between internal, territorial integration of renewable natural and human resources within a marginal area and the exogenous links that integrate it within the larger national and international economies.

In much of Asia, for example, settlement systems in rural regions are not well developed: there have not emerged central places of different sizes, performing specialized functions, widely dispersed but linked together in a mutually beneficial system of production and exchange. Rondinelli has noted in a more detailed analysis of the problem in Volume 2 of this series that economic development has generally been dualistic, and the overconcentration of investments in infrastructure and services in one or a few major urban centres has created polarized spatial systems that inhibit further expansion of the domestic economy, adversely exploit the resource base of marginal regions, and prevent widespread distribution of the benefits of economic growth. In many countries, as in the Phillipines, Thailand and Indonesia, production and infrastructure investments have been so heavily concentrated in one major city and region that over time the largest metropolitan area has attained "primate city" status. That is, the city has grown so large as to dominate the entire national economy. Secondary cities either do not develop, or grow very slowly. They are usually few in number and not distributed widely enough to act as catalysts for development in marginal regions. In highly polarized spatial systems, market centres are usually small and scattered, and are poorly equipped to provide services to rural areas. Small cities and market towns are not efficiently linked to each other or to larger urban centres and thus marketing networks that could integrate rural areas economically and incorporate marginal populations cannot easily emerge. A large percentage of the urban population lives in the primate city and a few other secondary centres; but the overwhelming majority of people remain in rural areas, scattered in small settlements that are not large enough to support basic services and facilities needed to promote economic growth and resource development.

International assistance agencies and governments in developing countries have increasingly recognized in the past few years that if they are to ameliorate rural poverty, integrate marginal areas and incorporate subsistence population groups into the national economy, they must promote a more spatially balanced pattern of development based on "bottom up" stimulation of rural economies. Redistribution alone would do little to overcome rural poverty of the magnitude found in Asia. The emphasis on "growth-with-equity" would require the development of new resources within developing countries and the steady inclusion of marginal and subsistence populations in productive economic ativities. This in turn would require extensive investment in physical infrastructure, services and productive activities in rural regions, located strategically in intermediate size cities, smaller towns and rural market centres. The growth of "rural service centres" that could link towns to rural hinterlands would also be encouraged in order to increase the access of the rural poor to basic services and facilities. The investments, moreover, would have to be located in such a way as to create an articulated and integrated regional spatial system capable of facilitating: (1) the extension of markets for increased agricultural production and other rural resources, thereby raising income for rural families; (2) more widespread distribution of services such as health, education, family planning, and vocational training, the technical inputs needed for increased agricultural production such as new seed varieties, appropriate technology, farm-to-market roads, and rural electrification, as well as communications and transportation; (3) the creation of new rural employment opportunities, especially in agroprocessing, agribusiness, small-scale manufacturing and cottage industries that use local resources as the primary inputs for production, and (4) a slowdown in the rate and alteration of the pattern of rural-tourban migration.' 7

But the pattern and composition of spatial systems and the roles of various types of settlements differ drastically among developing nations, and any serious effort to shape spatial systems to promote more equitable and widespread development, especially in marginal zones, requires careful analysis and planning. Ruddle and Grandstaff point out two of the dangers of inappropriate development policies in marginal regions. First, they note that these areas are not necessarily ecologically marginal and that the ecological stability of more populated and developed regions often depends on the stability of marginal areas. Major disruptions of ecological systems in marginal areas could have adverse effects on more developed areas of the country. Moreover, if development is inappropriate or ill-considered it would likely leave people in marginal regions worse off and more alienated. "Marginal area populations are particularly susceptible to this because their resource systems and ways of life are often radically different from those of more developed areas," they note. "There is, therefore, a real likelihood for increased poverty, alienation and cultural disintegration under conditions of radical disruption."18 in the past however, spatial analysis for regional development had been constrained by three other problems: the failure to recognize the importance of spatial factors in national and regional resource development; the lack of an operational framework for integrated spatial analysis; and the paucity and unreliability of data in rural regions for formulating effective development plans.

In Volume 2 of this series, Rondinelli describes and evaluates a pilot project in the Bicol River Basin of the Philippines to address these problems and to develop an operational framework for integrated spatial analysis and regional resource development. That report describes the background and rationale of the project, outlines the principles for selecting applied research methodologies, describes the methods and techniques that were used in the Bicol River Basin, and compares them with methodologies tested in previous experimental projects in other developing countries.

The report proposes a general framework for analyzing rural regions and determining the degree of articulation and integration of the settlement system, and the linkages between urban and rural areas. Functional analysis of settlement systems in developing countries could help determine the types of "urban" services and facilities needed at each level of the spatial hierarchy and the means of providing better access for the rural poor to those functions. The study points out. however, that any analytical framework would have to be modified in application, adapted to local conditions, and tested in a number of developing countries. The scarcity of data and general unreliability of statistics in developing nations, and the need for analytical techniques that could be easily applied by planners and readily understood by policymakers in rural regions, mandated substantial testing through experimental and pilot projects.

The report suggests that the pilot projects focus on three areas of analysis: - Analysis of regional resources and activities: including such factors as physical characteristics of the region, land and resource uses, cropping patterns, volume and diversity of agricultural production, population distribution and rural settlement patterns, service and facilities distribution, nonagricultural and commercial activities, and subsistence system characteristics;

- Analysis of central places: including the location of market towns, small cities, intermediate or regional centres; the size, composition and density of towns, the location, concentration and dispersion of central functions, changes in the size and concentration of social and economic activities over time, and the labour force and income distribution characteristics of settlements; and, - Analysis of regional spatial linkages: including physical, economic, population movement, technological, social service delivery, political and institutional interaction patterns among settlements within the region, and linkages with external centres.

Methods and Approaches to Regional Spatial Analysis

The method of integrated spatial analysis tested in the Bicol River Basin of the Philippines involved ten major components :19
1. An overall regional resource analysis and socioeconomic and demographic profile of the Basin that would serve as a data inventory for planning purposes and as a "base-line" study for monitoring and evaluation;
2. An analysis of the existing spatial structure, describing elements of the settlement system, the functional complexity and centrality of settlements, the hierarchy of central places, and the distribution of and patterns of association among functions within the region;
3. Description and analysis of the major socioeconomic, organizational and physical linkages among settlements within the Basin and between them and centres located in other regions of the country;
4. Mapping of information obtained from the functional complexity, settlement hierarchy and spatial linkages analyses to determine "areas of influence" or service areas of various settlement categories within the region;
5. Delineation of areas where linkages are weak or nonexistent, and of marginal areas that are unserved by central places or in which rural populations have poor access to town-based services and facilities that are crucial for rural development;
6. Comparison of information from the regional resources survey, settlement system and functional distribution analyses to regional development plans and objectives to (a) determine the adequacy of the spatial system to meet development needs and facilitate the implementation of equitable growth policy and (b) identify major "gaps" in the spatial system, in service areas for crucial functions, and in linkages among subareas of the region;
7. Translation of the spatial analyses into an investment plan that identifies the projects and programmes that will be needed to ameliorate major development problems, to strengthen and articulate the regional spatial structure, and to integrate various levels of settlement within it;
8. Integration of projects identified through spatial and economic analyses into spatially and functionally coordinated "investment packages" for different locations within the region, and combination of the investment packages into a priority-ranked and appropriately-sequenced investment budget for the development of the region over a given period of time;
9. Creation of an evaluation system for monitoring the implementation of projects and programmes and for determining the substantive results of development activities on marginal areas and population groups within the region; and
10 Institutionalization of the planning procedures in local and regional public agencies charged with investment decision-making and with revising the spatial analysis and development plans at appropriate intervals.

An underlying assumption of the spatial analysis in Bicol was that it would be "problem oriented"; that is, the spatial analysis and planning would deal primarily with problems of stimulating growth with equity, and with providing essential information needed to make effective investment decisions. It was assumed that the spatial system in Bicol should be developed to stimulate "bottom-up" development in rural areas, facilitate the spread of growth from urban centres, increase the access of marginal groups to centrally located services and facilities, and use existing and potentially productive natural resources in ways that would benefit people living in the Bicol River Basin. The approach to planning would be developmental and transformational in that it would, as Hermansen describes it, "seek to identify and achieve within a dynamic and historical context a pattern of evolution of the spatial structure that at any point in time is judged to be most efficient from the point of view of promoting a sustained process of rapid economic development."20 Development plans would seek to create a spatial structure that would act as a catalyst for economic and social progress by transforming traditional organization and patterns of interaction as development occurred.

Spatial development planning would seek to integrate and locate investments in such a way that they not only stimulate economic growth but also contribute to the evolution of an articulated and integrated spatial system capable of more widely spreading the benefits of growth to all areas of the region. Investments would be selected and located to enhance the capacity of various types of settlements, especially towns and cities, to act as service centres and catalysts of growth for rural development. As Babarovic notes of a similar experiment in regional development planning in Brazil, "location should be such that the accessibility of [urban centres] to the unincorporated rural population as a whole should be as great as possible in the marginated rural group."21 Moreover, it was assumed in the Bicol project, as it was in similar attempts at area development in India, that "an economic system works best and works in an efficient manner when appropriate linkages are established" among settlements of various sizes and that "the location and provision of missing infrastructure is a necessary exercise in regional spatial planning."22 But the project's advisors and designers also recognized that articulation and integration of the spatial system alone. although a necessary condition for equitable growth, would not solve the problems of marginality and poverty in economically lagging regions. Other government policies, which often allow exploitation of poor regions and subsistence populations, must also be changed so that the "terms of trade" between urban and rural areas, agricultural and industrial sectors and traditional and modern occupation groups become more equitable 23

From the various functional and spatial analyses, the staff of the Bicol project was able to identify a set of appropriate services, facilities and institutions needed at each of three levels of settlement - rural service centres, market towns and regional urban centres - to meet basic human needs, outiculate the settlement system and stimulate resource development (see Table 3).

Rural Service Centres would contain services and facilities to assemble agricultural commodities for marketing; provide local periodic marketing functions; extend transport access to market towns and larger urbanized centers; accommodate small-scale agroprocessing and handicrafts, distribute credit, market information and other technical inputs; facilitate savings mobilization; and provide basic health, recreation, education and administrative services.

Market Towns and Centres would provide an areawide exchange point for trade in agricultural commodities, processed goods, household and common consumer products, and farm inputs; offer access to an allweather road network; serve as a node of transportation and distribution linked to regional centres within the Basin, provide the preconditions and infrastructure to stimulate agro-processing plants and small-scale bulk commodity handling facilities; make available a variety of rural financial and credit services; meet rural energy and utility needs; provide higher-level administrative services that cannot be found in rural service centres; and offer vocational and secondary education, health and child care services, and rural commercial services.

Regional Centres would be physically linked to each other and to urban centres outside the Basin by frequent and reliable transportation and all-weather roads; offer diversified commercial, financial. professional and administrative services; accommodate regional offices of national government ministries and branch offices of provincial government agencies; provide facilities for largescale and diversified markets; function as a communications node for a broad rural hinterland; provide sites for agri-business and large-scale agricultural processing; offer incentives for a variety of small-scale consumer goods industries, tool-making and repair workshops, machine-shops and light durable goods industries; offer higher educational opportunities and more specialized vocational training; and provide diversified and multi-purpose hospitals and health clinics.

These recommendations were guidelines for investment analysis and project identification rather than detailed proposals for particular investments in specific locations. Examples were given of the types of settlements that might be strengthened through integrated investment, but a systematic evaluation of potential growth centers, as had been done in India and Brazil, was not part of the Bicol project. Time and budget constraints prevented the project staff from actually proposing, and testing the feasibility of, specific investment projects.

Two activities form the final stages of integrated regional development planning. First, an evaluation system must be created for monitoring the implementation of projects and programmes, and for determining the substantive results of development activities on marginal areas and population groups within the region. Second, the planning procedures should be institutionalized in local or regional public agencies charged with investment decision-making and with revising the spatial analysis and development plans at appropriate intervals. In the Bicol River Basin, the Urban Functions in Rural Development project sought primarily to devise and test a methodology for integrated urban-rural development planning, and the details of institutionalization and monitoring were left almost entirely to the Bicol River Basin Development Programme.

4. Conclusions and implications

Experience with development in the Third World over the past three decades clearly indicates that traditional macroeconomic approaches to accelerating growth will have little effect on ameliorating poverty in marginal regions with spatial structures such as that in the Bicol River Basin. Simply reallocating national investments more equitably among regions or favouring those previously given low priority, although necessary, is not sufficient to reduce spatial inequalities, incorporate marginal populations or increase the access of the poor to the resources necessary to free them from poverty.

Similarly, traditional "growth centre" approaches to spatial planning are likely to exacerbate already severe urban and rural differences within regions. Given the highly skewed, poorly articulated and weakly linked settlement hierarchies within rural regions, these policies often replicate national patterns of economic dualism at the regional level, leaving the vast majority of the rural poor living in scattered villages with little access to the benefits of investments concentrated in the "growth centres. "

Instead, a strategy combining reallocation of national investments among regions and the selective location of various combinations of infrastructure, social services, facilities and productive activities in settlements at differents levels in the spatial hierarchy must be pursued in order to articulate spatial systems in marginal regions, extend services to the rural poor and increase their access to town-based functions.

A national strategy for marginal area incorporation and development involves four major components. Rondinelli argues, in Volume 2 of this series, that the strategy must first seek to deconcentrate important development investments from already burgeoning primate cities and metropolitan centers to other lessdeveloped regions, both to provide the opportunities for developing potential resources in those regions and to create a more articulated and integrated national space economy. In countries like the Philippines, this requires a regional investment programme primarily focused on rural industrialization and infrastructure support - one that extends communication and transportation linkages to peripheral areas and promotes investment in agribusiness, small and medium scale industries and local consumer goods manufacturing using indigenous resources. Such a strategy, in addition to providing the means for absorbing, processing and distributing agricultural surpluses could also provide a wider range of household and local consumer goods to rural people at lower cost, and expand off-farm employment opportunities

Although most developing countries have extensive programmes for industrial promotion, these alone will not generate the volume of private investment needed to vitalize and diversify marginal economies Indeed. the promotion programmes have generally benefitted those industries that located where previous priorities for infrastructure investment have made operation most advantageous, in and around metropolitan areas. Unless infrastructure investments are also deconcentrated and support facilities extended to rural areas, private investment will not precede them. The World Bank has argued that "to direct investments into desired locations it is absolutely essential to provide adequate supporting infrastructure such as electricity, water, transportation and communications as well as financial and technical services and a supply of qualified labour." The Bank notes that "fiscal incentives without these provisions are unlikely to stimulate much new investment in the outer provinces, and with such infrastructure incentives are probably not needed."24

Secondly, the strategy requires careful location and "decentralized concentration" of relatively higher population threshold investments in intermediate and secondary cities. These cities would serve as interregional production centres, act to counter-balance continued rapid growth in primate cities and become part of a network of domestic exchange and market centres. A spatial strategy for more equitable development requires locating infrastructure investments and productive activities within regions in such a way as to articulate the spatial system and integrate urban centres and rural hinterlands. A deliberate policy of decentralizing investment in lower population threshold functions and combining in "minimum investment packages" the services, infrastructure and facilities needed to promote functional specialization and trade among settlements within rural regions is essential for accelerating and spreading the benefits of development. Articulation of the spatial system implies the development of at least three "levels" of settlements within regional economies: rural service centers, small cities and regional centers.

With careful allocation and packaging of investments, towns and villages that already exist within marginal regions of developing countries could be made to perform these three levels of functions. In some regions a third level of substantial investments would be necessary to create regional centres, and in most areas the paucity of market towns and rural service centres would require careful analysis of incipient centres prior to designing investment packages. Creation of this hierarchy of settlements, however, would provide a spatial framework for spreading the benefits and increasing the multiplier effects of public and private investment.

Finally, creation of a more equitable development pattern requires increasing the linkages among rural settlements and between them and urban centres within regions. Among the most important linkages are farm-to-market roads and all-weather arterials between market centres and larger towns and cities. It is inconceivable that the Philippine government, for instance, will be able to attain its goals of increased agricultural production, economic diversification, and more equitable distribution of services, facilities and income without first extending transportation access within and among regions.

TABLE 3 Services, Facilities, and Infrastructure Proposed for Each Settlement Level Bicol River Basin

Source: D.A. Rondinelli Spatial Analysis for Regional Development A Case Study in the Bicol River Basin of the Philippines Tokyo United Nations University, 1980

This four-pronged strategy of regional reallocation of investments in infrastructure, the gradual building up of secondary and intermediate size cities as interregional production and market centres, articulating the spatial systems of marginal regions, integrating town centres with rural hinterlands and increasing linkages among settlements in rural areas, would both promote greater spread effects from development in larger urban centres and generate more diversified economic growth in smaller rural villages. It combines "bottom up" and "top down" development strategies to forge an integrated national economy in which the benefits of accelerated growth could be more equitably distributed and the high levels of rural poverty more easily and effectively ameliorated.

All of this must be done carefully, however, with sensitivity to the needs and capabilities of people living in marginal areas and to the nature and characteristics of the ecosystems in those regions. Resource transformation and spatial integration are inextricably related in the development of marginal areas. They must be carefully planned if marginal populations are to be effectively assisted in increasing their capacity to procure, transform and deliver the resources needed to raise their standards of living.

Notes

1. Kenneth Ruddle and Walter Manshard, Renewable Resources and the Environment: Pressing Problems in the Developing World, Tokyo and Dublin: The United Nations University Press and Tycooly International Publishing Ltd., 1981; The first part of this chapter is based on a forthcoming book, Kenneth Ruddle, Water-Land Interactive Systems, unpublished manuscript, 1982.

2. The term "artisanal forestry" is used here to denote small-scale timber extraction from residual stands logged previously by major commercial operations, to provide lower-grade timber for petty commerce, subsistence timber, fuelwood, and the raw materials for charcoal making. Commonly such small-scale activities are based on the "poaching" of residual stands.

3. A.W. Smith, "Ecological River Basin Development," National Parks and Consenvation Magazine, Vol. 46 (1972), pp. 1 4, J.P. Milton, "The Ecological Effects of Major Engineering Projects," In: Proceedings of the Meeting on the Use of Ecological Guidelines for Development in the American Human Tropics, 20- 22 February, 1974, Caracas, Venezuela IUNC Publication No 31. (Morges, Switzerland: IUCN, 1975), pp 207-221.

4. A Devos, Africa: the Devastated Continent? Man's Impact on the Ecology of Africa, The Hague: Junk 1975

5 R.M. Baxter, "Environmental Effects of Dams and impoundments", Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics, Vol. 8 (1977), pp. 255283.

6. Scientific Committee on Problems of the Environment, Environmental Sciences in Developing Countries, Paris: SCOPE, 1974.

7. G.W. Lawson, "Lessons of the Volta - A New Man-Made Lake in Tropical Africa," Biological Conservation, Vol 2 (1970), pp. 90 96

8. J.E. Bardach, and B. Dussart, "Effects of Man-Made Lakes on Ecosystems," In: Ackermann, W C. et al (eds.), Man-Made Lakes. Their Problems and Environmental Effects. Washington, D C: American Geophysical Union, 1973, pp. 811-817.

9. A.K, Biswas, "Environmental and Water Development in the Third World," Journal of the Water Resources Planning and Management Division, American Society of Civil Engineers, Vol 106 (1980), pp. 319 332; H.K. Gupta, and B.K. Rastagi, Dams and Earthquakes, Amsterdam: Elsevier 1976

10. B.Z. Diamant, "Environmental Repercussions of Irrigation Development in Hot Climates," Environmental Consenvation, Vol. 7 (19791, pp. 53-58.

11. C.H. Fernando, "Reservoir Fisheries in South East Asia: Past, Present, and Future," In: Symposium on the Development and Utilization of Inland Fisheries Resources, 27-29 October, 1976, Colombo, Sri Lanka /11th Session, U N Indo-Pacific Fisheries Council), Rome: FAO, 1976.

12. See Dennis A. Rondinelli and Kenneth Ruddle, Urbanization and Rural Development: A Spatial Policy for Equitable Growth, (New York: Praeger, 1978), p. 14.

13. E.A.J. Johnson, The Organization of Space in Developing Countries, Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1970), pp 70-71.

14. Rondinelli and Ruddle, op. cit. p. 55.

15. Dennis A. Rondinelli, Spatial Analysis for Regional Development: A Case Study in the Bicol River Basin of the Philippines, Resource Systems Theory and Methodology Series, No 2, Tokyo: United Nations University, 1981.

16. Rondinelli and Ruddle, op cit., Chapter 2.

17. See Dennis A. Rondinelli, "Administration of Integrated Rural Development: The Politics of Agrarian Reform in Developing Countries," World Politics, Vol. XXXI, No 3 (April 1979), pp. 389-416.

18. Kenneth Ruddle and Terry Grandstaff, "The International Potential of Traditional Resource Systems in Marginal Areas," Technological Forecasting and Social Change, Vol. 11 (1978), pp 119-311.

19. Details of the methodology are explained in Rondinelli, Spatial Analysis for Regional Development, op cit.

20. Tormod Hermansen, "Spatial Organization and Economic Development: The Scope and Task of Spatial Planning," in A. Kukhnski (ed.) Regional Disaggregation of National Policies and Plans, (The Hague: Mouton, 1975) pp 292-365, quote at p. 293.

21. Ivo Babarovic, "Rural Marginality and Regional Development Policies in Brazil, "in A. Kuklinski (ed.) Regional Policies in Nigeria, India and Brazil, (The Hague: Mouton, 1978), pp. 189-319

22 S.M. Shah, "Growth Centres as a Strategy for Rural Development: Indian Experience," Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 22, No. 2 (January 1974), pp. 215 228

23. See Dennis A. Rondinelli and Kenneth Ruddle, "Political Commitment and Administrative Support: Preconditions of Growth with Equity Policy, " Journal of Administration Overseas, Vol XVII, No 1 (January 1978) pp 43 60.

24. See Russell J. Cheetham and Edward K Hawkins, The Philippines Priorities and Prospects for Development, (Washington: World Bank, 1976), p. 240.

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